Pilgrimage and Towns in Medieval Christianity
Jaehyun
Kim
Korea
Institute for Advanced Theological Studies
I. Introduction: Medieval Christianity
and Pilgrimage
II. Christian Pilgrimage and Towns
a) Towns on the Way to Pilgrimage
b) Holy Turning Point: Compostela
c) Pilgrim and Development of Towns
d) Towns and the Encounter of Pilgrims:
From Solidarity to Understanding
III. Conclusion
I.
Introduction:
Medieval Christianity and Pilgrimage
Various social-cultural factors were
crucial in the formation and development of medieval towns. As we see in
Cathedral organizations, monasteries, and
pilgrimage were decisive to the life and culture of medieval people. Christian
villages and towns were formed alongside old pagan villages. However, new towns
like
Christian pilgrimage was important for
medieval towns and cultures. 'Pilgrimage' means visiting religious places where
certain meaningful and important events happened, to entreat supernatural help
and also keep religious responsibilities. Even before the birth of
Christianity, a number of places emerged as major pilgrim centers like
From its very early stages, Christianity
began to develop pilgrimage. Horrible persecution by the Roman Empire against
Christians and the Christian diaspora sometimes made it difficult for
Christians to access
It was, however, during medieval
Christianity that pilgrimage spread all over
Byzantine Christianity dwindled as Islam
expanded beginning in the seventh century. Major Christian areas shifted from
the Mediterranean to northern
P. Geary discusses many interesting
topics on early medieval pilgrimage with a specific emphasis on "holy theft"(furta sacra).[4]
As the importance of holy relics increased, cathedrals and monasteries
developed. Many people struggled to
initiate Christian ideology in politics and religious arenas and pilgrim
culture became much more popular. Medieval pilgrimage was oftentimes deeply
related to religious hegemony and authority. As Peter Brown pointed out, 'the
dead saint' remained still powerful among medieval Christians.[5]
Medieval pilgrimage helped to shape Christian liturgy and town culture based
upon such traditions.[6]
Pilgrim culture was developed further in
Carolingian Christianity, especially in the time of Charlemagne the Great. As
we see in the fourth Lateran council in 1215, pilgrimage was clothed in
theological hermeneutics such as the means of the punishment of sin and grace
of God. The pilgrims also provided useful labors by carrying stones and wood
for their own repentance.
In the high middle ages, northern
Medieval pilgrimage was deeply related to
the development of medieval towns. Some good examples of this are St. Mark's
Cathedral in
Medieval pilgrimage was related with the
development process rather than with the origination and formation of towns.
Shaped out of traditional villages and towns in the beginning, many towns
depended on holy relics rather than the pilgrims. Translation. and acquisition
of the relics provided a religious authority and justification for a new
cathedral and monastery. Saints did not move, but the pilgrims who sought
saints moved and stimulated the development of towns. People gathered, markets
formed, information was shared, and religious symbols and social developments
intermingled.
While discussing the journey to
Compostela, one of three major pilgrimages, I would like to pursue the
relationship between pilgrim culture and the development of the town, and try
to add a certain Christian interpretation to it.
II.
Christian Pilgrimage and Towns
II-a) Towns on the Way to Pilgrimage
With the emergence of Charlemagne and
Carolingian Christianity,
Compostela had many merits. It was much
closer to travel to from French territory but could provide foreign experiences
for the pilgrims. Many people well understood the reputation of the Spain
Crusade and were familiar with literature like The Song of Roland. The Compostela cathedral itself and
Liber Sancti Jacobi Book
V, which contained useful information for the pilgrims to Compostela, provided
various indexes of holy relics and saints scattered around the
Even though Compostela was the final
destination, however, it is important to know that there were numerous "towns
on the way" which were required to support the pilgrims' travel. For the
commoners who had difficulty traveling, national or regional pilgrim centers
would have also been attractive. Many pilgrim centers and towns emerged quite
naturally along the way to Compostela as resting and eating locations for
pilgrims and their animals.
Bezlay, one of four major staring points
to Compostela, is a good example of this. Bezlay is loca sancta where the holy relic of the body of Mary Magdalene is
enshrined on the hill. Mary broke the perfume jar and poured it over the head
of Jesus at the house of Lazarus. After the ascension of Jesus, Mary Magdalene
traveled with Maximinus, another disciple of Jesus, to
Four pilgrim routes that originated in
The Milky Way was the route from Puente
to Compostela approximately 800 kilometers along country roads and through
numerous towns Although the pilgrims shared the simple fact that they were "on
the way," however, it was evident that they had many differences in their goals
of pilgrimage, language, personal background and social status.
A record tells us that many commercial
buildings filled the main streets of Puente.[9]
In addition, we can see the diversity in races, language, and even in the
structures of towns. For example, the towns surrounded by walls had a large
Franco area in the late eleventh century, and also there was a small quarter
for Jews. The people usually spoke Navarran, a Spanish dialect, but they used
various languages including French, Hebrew, and Basque. There were even two and
three-story buildings in towns which flourished. In 1142, the templar knights
began to have authority over Puente and they and many other religious
institutions began to run hospices to provide free beds for the pilgrims. To
guide the pilgrims in late evening, they rang a bell forty times from around
nine to ten o'clock. Interestingly, we know that there were many thieves, and
Jacques de Troya was executed in 1350.
II-b)
Holy Turning Point: Compostela
Compostela began to function as a major
pilgrim center in the ninth century and reached its peak in the twelfth century
when about a half million pilgrims visited each year. Located far away from
ferocious Islamic power, Compostela provided a safe international pilgrim
destination for northern Europeans. Compostela was a turning point for lengthy
pilgrimage, and also showed the peak of the pilgrim culture. The process and a
series of rituals that the pilgrims used to keep when they entered the city and
cathedral provide a good case study of medieval pilgrim culture.[10]
We have more documents and materials from Compostela than any other place in
The process by which Compostela emerged
as an international pilgrim center from the ninth to the twelfth centuries
portrays symbolically the relationship between the towns and holy relics,
interaction of religious factors and political circumstances, and correspondence
between legends related to martyrs and formation of the texts. The importance
of Compostela came from the fact that the relic of St. James was enshrined
here. The fact that James was one of the core disciples of Jesus (along with
Peter, Andrew and John), and the rumor that the most complete holy relics of
James remained there, made Compostela the most charming pilgrim town for
medieval Christians.
James, the son of Zebedee, preached the
gospel after the passion of Jesus, and it was believed that he was persecuted
by Herod in 44 AD. As is seen in Passio Jacobi (Passio Jacobi in
the fifth century, or Dei verbum patris Ore proditum), the story of the
life of James –even though it was not always clear- came to the stage in
conjunction with the Spanish mission. From a fairly early period on, it was
believed that the relics of James were venerated in Compostela. But it was only
in the ninth century when people discovered the tomb of James that they made
him the patron saint of Compostela. Bishop Theodemir of Iria Flavia discovered
the tomb of James in a miraculous way by the guide of Campus Stellae.[12]
Being discovered when the Reconquista
had just begun, the tomb of James became the religious and spiritual landmark
for this area. When Diego Gelmirez (1073-1078) was promoted to arch-bishop and
initiated the construction of cathedral (completed in 1211), Compostela became
a more stable and famous pilgrim center.[13]
It also consolidated its international reputation with strong support from
The most valuable document in
understanding the development and interaction between pilgrimage and towns is Liber Sancti Jacobi. Among the five
sections of this book, the fifth part contains the most useful information for
the pilgrims.[14] Of
course, "The Pilgrim's Guide," the fifth part of this book, is not a detailed
guidebook, but provides overall information for the pilgrims. Nevertheless,
this book is valuable in three aspects. First, it contains concrete information
as follows: general routes, motives, geographic information, possible dangers
on the way, and the needs of everyday life like money exchange. Second, it
describes major facilities in towns such as hospitals and clinics, hospices and
lodges, monasteries and other useful facilities. Those factors were crucial not
only for personal use but also for the development of towns. Third, it also
portrays gestures and actions expected from the pilgrims when they arrived at
Compostela. Compostela symbolized the completion of the pilgrimage but was also
the half -way turning point for the pilgrims.
Even though it was small in size compared
to many European towns, Compostela grew at a great speed primarily because of
its reputation as an international pilgrim center. "The Pilgrim's Guide" says
that Compostela had 7 gates and 10 churches within the town boundary. The
French-style Basilica of St. James was ostentatious and majestic to charm the
eyes and minds of pilgrims who came from far away. Window glasses and many
sculptures on the upper part of the main gates drew strong feelings of piety
and faith for many people. The quality of water from the Basilica was far
different from the polluted and contagious water on the way. Water within
Basilica was "sweet, nourishing, healthy, clear, excellent, warm in winter and
fresh in summer".[15]
It was not only a place for spiritual consolation. Markets were in the front
yard of Basilica. They sold sea shells, and mended sandals, pouches, and belts.
People also purchased medications and medicinal herbs there. At other street
markets within a short distance, people could meet many merchants who dealt
with money exchange, lodging, etc.[16]
Compostela did not simply attract
pilgrims from every corner of
Compostela was developed with the help of
many other towns on the way. For example,
II-c). Pilgrimage and Development of Towns
The primary meaning of 'pilgrims' is
'people on the way.' Pilgrimage emphasized mobility and dynamics rather than
stability and inclination to settle down which holy relics tend to have. What
attracted people to pilgrimage and made the people move continuously, however,
were saints, cathedrals, and necessary facilities like lodges and charitable
institutes. Likewise, pilgrim culture and towns were inseparably related each
other. Dian Webb shows that pilgrimage is closely related to politics,
economics, and culture in general.[19]
The journey from Bezlay to Compostela was carried out via many towns. Iter Jacobi divided a lengthy journey from
Saints (Translatio, reliqua)
The acquisition of the relics of saints
was the primary motive for pilgrimage and the foundation of city development.
Holy relics, once enshrined, did not "travel" (move), but the pilgrims
continuously moved.[20]
This was the principle for regional and international relics. Holy relics had a
huge impact on the establishment and dramatic development of medieval towns.
The more they acquired famous relics, the more they attracted the pilgrims, and
consequently this reflected the influence of the towns and their financial
power. They could expand markets by acquiring the relics and exhibiting them (ostensiones) especially on feast days.
The reputation of Bezlay, never falling behind compared to Fontenay, the most
conspicuous monastery at that time, came from the fact that Bezlay had the holy
relics of Mary Magdalene. We can find a similar example in the history of St.
Mark in
"The Pilgrim's Guide" mentions in detail
major cathedrals from St. Triompius to St. James on the way to Compostela.[21]
About 45% of the Book V contains the story of holy relics, saints, and
pilgrimages, which in turn shows the importance of the saints and relics. In
this process, the authenticity of holy relics was crucial in recruiting the
pilgrims and developing the towns. When the authenticity of Bezlay's relics was
threatened later on, the number of pilgrims drastically declined, and
consequently food trade and other commercial circumstances suffered. The
Pilgrims to this town, the original place for the second crusade, radically
decreased due to the wars and taxes.[22]
Miracles, Religious Symbols and
Phenomena
The place where holy relics were
enshrined flourished with many miracle stories, healings, and other mysterious
events. The religious authority of holy relics was in proportion to the
frequency and density of miracles. Miracles also played a medical function.
Religious phenomena and symbols including miracles helped the pilgrims decide
the route and period of their stay. Religious vision and imagination
strengthened the religious function of the towns where the relics of the saints
and religious traditions were kept. Various stories of saints in 'The Pilgrim's
Guide' added to the travelers' religious imaginations and symbols, and they
served to draw more pilgrims. Miracle stories at Walshingham made that place an
internationally-known pilgrim destination. Lavamentula (a symbolic
ritual to clean the secret part of each pilgrim) was a very important religious
symbol when they came to the cathedral of Compostela.
Managing Cathedrals and Financial Expansion
As there were numerous cathedrals in
medieval towns from
Cathedrals had other economic means by
which to enhance their economic development. As I mentioned above, pilgrim
towns made a lot of economic profit when there was translation of relics or a
jubilee year when all sin was annulled publicly. In spite of the general
assumption that holy relics did not travel, it appeared holy relics were a tool
for economic profit. As Birch asserted, 'relic pilgrimage' which was carried
out by the pilgrims brought the people a huge economic profit.[23]
Not a few pilgrims sold relics clothed with vision and imagination they
designed. The pilgrims sold not only public souvenirs but also souvenirs they
stole. The churches prohibited this secular business, but they did not hate the
economic profit it brought to the church and towns.
The cathedral of Compostela (The Capilla Mayor), the most conspicuous
Romanesque building in the twelfth century, shows this relationship between
holy relics and economic advantage. The cathedral kindly explained the fact
that the pilgrims to the Basilica of St. James could send a certain cloth based
upon individual faith and finance. The fact that this book contains detail
about the size and length of the altar cloth for decoration tells that many
people used to donate valuable things. It must have been of great help to
cathedral finance. Medieval cathedrals had significant power over neighboring
lands and forests, and they also made a lot of profit out of special permission
to trade and tax the goods.
However, cathedrals did not simply make
economic profit for their own advantage. The Compostela cathedral used the
offering from Palm Sunday to Easter Sunday for the pilgrims at Compostela. A
tenth of all offering at the altar of St. James was used for the hospice. Free
lodging was given to the pilgrims at the altar of St. James out of this
offering, and extra care was given to the weak, and also special help was
provided for the lepers to walk up to the altar on Sunday.[24]
The Cathedral at Romacador suffered a huge loss because of the great drought in
1181.[25]
It is certain that offerings and donations of the pilgrims contributed to the
development of the towns.
Length
of Journey
People visiting regional pilgrimage sites
did not have much need to prepare. When an international pilgrimage like
Compostela was their final destination, however, there would be many
preparations including finding information about the length of travel, lodging,
food, clothing, etc. Some people even wrote a will in case they could not
return to their homeland.
What were the lengths of travel in
Distances and times suggested in the
Guide were calculated simply based upon traveling by walking. However, it was
not an easy job to travel 800 km in 16 days, 50 km on average walking every
day. It seems unnatural for the pilgrims to walk 50 km everyday only after staying
one day even when that sort of international journey could be only once in
their lives. In this context, I think the Guide only estimated distance and
time for approximate traveling.
Norbert Ohlers provides another
calculation for traveling.[26]
He estimated that a walker would travel 15-25 km a day, or for any traveler on
a horse to travel 20-30 km a day. A recent travel Guide, after calculating 25
km (5-8 hours depending upon the travelers) suggests 33 days from Navarra to
Compostela.[27] Even
this calculation came from assumption that each pilgrim traveled following a
plain route. But we should remember that Ohler's calculation might be
misleading when considering unexpected hazards and dangers, and the time for
traveling might be doubled or tripled in the Middle Ages. Because of numerous
pilgrim centers and 'spectacles' on the way, it would take several weeks to
several months.
People did not only choose the land route
for internationally well-known pilgrimage. Just like
Lodging
Lodging was the most important necessity
for the pilgrims. The pilgrims needed lodges to avoid the wind, get medical
care, and get religious rehabilitation. There were three different facilities
for the travelers. First, there were monastery facilities following the
Benedictine rule. The monastery, the house of God and holy place, ran hospices
and provided a simple but necessary rest and a peaceful atmosphere.
Second, there were charitable hospices
run by specific institutes, churches, knights, and village communities. Tents
were furnished with a bundle of straw for a bed. But most could not provide
enough food except the rich cathedrals. At the most well-equipped hospice, the
pilgrims could get eggs, cheese, bread, and a little marinated meat. The
pilgrims were satisfied to warm up their bodies and escape the cold. They could
mend their clothing and sandals. 'The Pilgrim's Guide' gives a compliment to
the hospice at Santa Christina, on the way to
God has, in a most particular fashion,
instituted in this world three columns greatly necessary for the support of his
poor, that is to say, the hospice of
This hospice had beds and food for
travelers, clinics, shelters for the animals, and some space for money
exchange. The Guide calls this hospice a 'holy place.' Here the hospice helped
pilgrims recover, consoled the patients, and buried the dead. Santa Christina
showed well how pilgrimage and the towns on the way were deeply related. For
example, when the monks at Saint Christina moved to Jaca in 1569, the function
of various facilities including charitable hospices was far reduced.
Consequently, the overall function of the town ground to a halt.
Third, there were inns, the most common
lodging. On the way to
Trading and Circulating in Market:
Holy Utensils, Souvenirs, Information
Saints and religion were the primary
motivators for pilgrimage. When it came to an international pilgrimage,
however, a religious vision was not simply enough. From finding a room for
overnight to securing a boat to cross a river, oftentimes at the risk of their
own lives, it was not easy for the pilgrims. The contentious and puzzling
encounter between religious ideals and the realities of life could be felt not
only 'on the way' but also at each 'town' the pilgrims passed through. During
the stay of the pilgrims in the towns, the market was very important. Markets
were the places for money exchange, purchasing souvenirs, and acquiring and
circulating information and news. The churches and monasteries were frequently
involved in licensing, taxation, real estate, and also the markets. This meant
that pilgrimage and the market were developed side by side.
Unlike the 'sacred atmosphere' inside
cathedrals and chapels, liveliness and confusion described the markets. Arculf,
who traveled to
In
the markets, the pilgrims purchased daily necessities, holy utensils and
instruments, and souvenirs. On the way to Jerusalem, Rome, and Compostela, the
pilgrims tried to purchase anything that contained a sort of 'the sacred' from
a part of holy relics of the saints, holy water and oils, and even dust and
soils. These items were not simply bought as a sort of 'hobby', but they seemed
to have a kind of magical charm. The pilgrims preferred to have a little water
jar which could contain water or oil. The commoners preferred cheap and fragile
utensils, paper, and badges to any luxurious items. This preference was
commonly found both on regional and international levels.
The trading and circulation of rather
cheap but fragile souvenirs showed a certain relationship between pilgrimage
and towns. Churches and secular authorities were involved in manufacturing and
trading the silver badge and shell badge. But it was handicraftsman that actually
made those items. As Webb's analysis on Rocamador shows, a certain conflict
between handicraftsman and the Dominican monks was brought out regarding the
right of manufacturing and trading.[31]
Even merchants stole the items secretly without permission and sold them again
for profit. Sometimes the economy of a certain town depended on this illegal
trade. Trading of particular sea-shells and badges was popular in Compostela.
In early times, the pilgrims collected sea-shells on the beach by themselves.
In 1120, however, sea-shell trade began on a commercial level. We know that
after 1200 not a little financial profit came out of the licensing of various
souvenirs. A bishop in Rugo, a neighboring town of
In the market, stories were often traded
for profit. A 'professional pilgrim' appeared to visit the pilgrim centers
repeatedly to make money. They sometimes spread a story or rumor they had
collected on the way, and also amplified the story for the common pilgrims.
Sometimes, they repeated the story again and again in public places to have the
purse of fellow pilgrims opened.[33]
Even though 'The Pilgrim's Guide'
provided useful information for pilgrimage, as Webb argued, it was not easy to
acquire and circulate overall information on pilgrimage. When it came to an
international pilgrimage, it was far more difficult to get any relevant
information on route, direction, and lodging. For this reason, as the Guide
indicated, people from the same towns or areas or guilds traveled together.
It
is interesting to see that the concrete need of the pilgrims was deeply
involved with the economic development of the merchants. Merchants were under
the same rules and regulations as the pilgrims from the church and secular
authorities, because the merchants traveled peacefully without any military
arms. Such merchants had much information on boats, ships, horses, hospices,
and inns. For this reason, the information merchants collected meant 'money,'[34]
and circulating and trading information and knowledge meant economic activity
for profit. As we see in the merchant of Conques in the eleventh century, some
people took a more active response, from an economic perspective, to the
endless pilgrims. Several guilds accompanied the pilgrims together, or
sponsored certain expenditures of the pilgrims, and even some guilds changed
the name of their towns following prominent pilgrim centers.[35]
Some people who belong to the ship guild made a ship model out of metals and
silver, and they sold them to the pilgrims. Likewise, we can see a number of
cases that revealed mutual development and inter-dependence between towns and
pilgrimage.
Pilgrim, Towns, Economy,
Relationship with International Religious Institutes
As Teofilo F. Ruiz pointed out, many
people left their homes to pursue an economic profit along the pilgrimage
route. Development and growth of
After Charlemagne's war of expansion in
northern
Further development in areas of arts,
culture, and architecture in the towns of southern
The journey of pilgrimage to Compostela
in French territory was influenced by the seasons. Spring and fall were good
for traveling. On the way to Compostela, they could have a chance to look at
various types of architecture, sculptures, pictures and paintings, and metal
arts, and could be inspired by music and poetry.
In the case of international pilgrimage,
people made a group out of various guilds for traveling. Group traveling was
useful to avoid any possible dangers they could face on the way. The Guide
criticized tax collectors and ferry boatmen for their ferocity and immoral
acts. The law allowed profit-driven merchants to pay the fee to pass the
national or regional boundaries. But illegal tax collectors exploited the
pilgrims by taking passage-tax with cash, oftentimes double or triple than
habitually required. The Guide claimed that ferry boatmen could collect the fee
from the rich traveler or horses, but not from the poor pilgrims. In fact, however,
they loaded as many as people as possible, and once the boat turned over, they
sought out the pockets of the dead to exploit them of their money.[37]
II-d) Encounter between Towns and
Pilgrims: From Solidarity to Understanding
The relationship between towns and
pilgrimage was deeper than superficially observed. Based upon material and
social grounds, the pilgrims developed the concept of solidarity and
communication. The pilgrims gathering around the village and towns built up
mutual solidarity .
In addition to the permanent residents in
towns, there were temporary pilgrims who stayed only for a short period of
time. In Bezlay, many people stayed for a long time until they had gathered
enough people for long-distance traveling or until they could celebrate a
certain feast together. It was same in Puente la Reina which was the first
major spot in the Milky Way to Compostela. In major or important towns, people
waited long to find fellow travelers and companions, like a ship that waited
for enough material for her voyage.
'On the way,' there were many 'little
saints' who charmed the pilgrims. Sometimes, regional pilgrim centers were
competing with international pilgrim centers. Viabranca del Bierso grew after
people agreed to claims that once the pilgrims properly performed pilgrims'
rituals there, they could get religious compensation even if they did not go on
to Compostela. Once they agreed to this proposal, they did not need to go to
Compostela, and consequently they could save money and time.
What is important here is that solidarity
grew up among the town inhabitants and the pilgrims to the towns. What Turner
labels as not 'uniformity' but 'unity in diversity' was deep seated among the
pilgrims and strangers.[38]
In a feudal society and country towns where encounters and meetings were rare,
there was not much solidarity among the 'strangers.' In a large village or
town, even though they seemed heterodoxy as seen from the outside, the pilgrims
came together under the same umbrella of Christianity and pilgrimage. The term landsmannschaft
for the German pilgrims originated from the group concept of the pilgrims.
In addition to this religious-social
solidarity, many people used pilgrimage as a process of repentance and reward.
People in towns began to form official standards and unification of the
religious norms and rules. In this sense, we can say that the development of
pilgrimage happened side by side with the development of liturgy and the norms
of the churches. Many pilgrims from different origins and backgrounds spread a
certain standardized guideline beyond geographic boundaries which finally
produced solidarity. This also caused the people to change their understanding
of pilgrimage. In this context, Dee Dys stresses that the concept of pilgrimage
changed from mobility (place-focused) to interior pilgrimage (inward-status
focused).[39]
The formation of mutual solidarity
brought out the issues of mobilitas and stabilitas. Pilgrims were
primarily developed 'on the way' (peregrinatio) out of 'stability.' The
stability also produced dynamics and change in each town. Each town on the way
was not simply 'inn' for lodging and food. Bezlay and Compostela were not
simply departure or holy turning points. When looking at the lives of the
pilgrims in the towns, the concepts of mobility and stability are easily
recognized. In towns, we can find prejudice, conflict, and compromise. Just
like the pilgrims had different intentions, the people within the towns were
fairly different. In the towns, the pilgrims experience the full range of
prejudice and difference.[40]
When 'standard Christianity' was not rooted in
In towns, there was a certain common indicator that could
overcome all the differences. For example, holy relics of the saints harmonized
and modulated all the difference in language and culture. The pilgrimage
originally begun with a religious motif went far beyond the division and
conflict between sacred and profane, (individual) body and society, subject and
object, even male and female.[41]
With the help of saints, different pilgrims could experience 'positive
contagion' and 'homogeneity' among themselves. It was in town, in the public
sphere that this contagion worked. We can see another good example in the
Mendicants of the thirteenth century. Mobility and inter-penetration of pilgrim
culture contributed to make a common denominator for northern
IV. Conclusion: Pilgrims in Towns,
Development of Towns in Pilgrimage
There have been many previous works that
attempted to find religious meanings and interpretations of pilgrimage. The
study of pilgrimage itself would be a fascinating topic. However we do not have
enough previous study on the relationship between towns and pilgrimage. It is
not easy to make any statistic theory about this relationship. I hope this
paper provided a little stepping stone for further study. As religion exists in
the world, pilgrimage will continue. It is just as Chaucer wrote a long time
ago:
When April with its fragrant showers
the drought of March has pierces to the
root…
When the West Wind with his sweet breath
has breathed life into the new shoots
in every wood and field…
And small birds make melody…
Then people long to go on pilgrimage…
(…)
At night there came into that hostelry
Full nine and twenty in a company
Of carious sorts of people, fallen by
chance
Into fellowship and pilgrims were they
all.[42]
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[1] Simon Coleman
& John Elsner, Pilgrimage: Past and
Present in the World Religions (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press,
1995).
[2] J.N.D. Kelly,
Jerome: His life, Writings, and Controversies (
[3] Especially, Peter
Walker, "Pilgrimage in the Early Church," Craig Bartholomew &
Fred Hughes eds. Explorations
in a Christian Theology of Pilgrimage (Aldershot,
Hants,
[4] Patrick
Geary, Furta Sacra: Thefts of Relics
in the Central Middle Ages (
[5] James Howard-Johnston
& Paul Antony Hayward eds., The Cult
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Peter Brown (Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press, 1999).
[6] Dee Dyas,
"Medieval patterns of Pilgrimage: a Mirror for Today?," Explorations in a Christian Theology of Pilgrimage, 92-109.
[7]
Graham Tomlin, "Protestants and Pilgrimage," Explorations in a Christian theology of pilgrimage, 110-125.
[8] William Melczer, The Pilgrim's Guide to Santiago de
Compostela (New York : Italica Press, 1993), 84-133.
[9] David M. Gitlitz & Linda Kay
Davidson, The Pilgrimage Road to
Santiago: the Complete Cultural Handbook (
[10] Mary Lee Nolan, Christian Pilgrimage in Modern Western Europe (Chapel Hill:
[11] Victor Witter Turner, Image and
Pilgrimage in Christian Culture: Anthropological Perspectives (New York: Columbia University Press, 1978), 172-202.
[12] "The Origin of
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[13] Edwin
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[14] Debra A.
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*website
sources:www.humnet.ucla.edu/iagohome,
www.humnet.ucla.edu/roncpoem.
[15] Pilgrim's Guide, 122.
[16] Pilgrim's Guide, 122-123.
[17] Conrad
Rudolph, Pilgrimage to the End of the
World: the Road to Santiago de Compostela (
[18] Jonathan Sumption, Pilgrimage: An Image of Mediaeval Religion (London: Faber & Faber, 1975), 163.
[19] Diana Webb, Medieval European Pilgrimage (
[20]
J. Sumption, Pilgrimage, 40.
[21] Pilgrim's Guide, 96-118
[22] J. Sumption, Pilgrimage, 45-46.
[23] Debra A.
Birch, Pilgrimage to
[24] Pilgrim's Guide, 131-132.
[25] J. Sumption, Pilgrimage, 235.
[26] Nobert Ohler,
The Medieval Traveller (Trans. By
Caroline Hiller, The Boydell Press:
[27] John Brierley, A Pilgrim's Guide to the Camino de Santiago
(Findhorn Press Ltd. 2006).
[28] Webb, Medieval European Pilgrimage, 118.
[29] Pilgrim's Guide, 87.
[30]
[31] Webb, Medieval European Pilgrimage, 35.
[32] J. Sumption, Pilgrimage, 248;
Cynthia Haen, "Loca sancta souvenirs: Sealing the Pilgrim's Experience," Robert
Ousterhoust, The Blessing of Pilgrimage
(1990), 85-93.
[33] Howard Loxton, Pilgrimage to
[34] Webb, Medieval European Pilgrimage, 108.
[35] Webb, Medieval European Pilgrimage, 109.
[36] Teofilo F.
Ruiz, "Merchants, Trade, and Agriculture," in Crisis and Continuity, Land and
Town in Late Medieval Castile (
[37] Pilgrim's
Guide, 91-93.
[38] Victor Witter Turner, Image and
Pilgrimage in Christian Culture, 190-192.
[39] "Medieval
Patterns of Pilgrimage," Exploration in a
Christian Theology of Pilgrimage, 92-101.
[40] J. Eade,
"Christian Ideology and the Image of a Holy Land," Contesting the Sacred: the
Anthropology of Pilgrimage (
[41] S. Morrison, Women Pilgrims in Late Medieval
[42] Chaucer, General Prologue to the