The Roles
and Identities of Byzantine Power Elite Women
: Based
on the Sigillographic sources of the 7th-12th
centuries[1]
Wonho HWANG
(Seoul National University)
I. INTRODUCTION II. WOMEN DURING THE 7th
AND 10th CENTURIES III. WOMEN DURING THE 11th
AND 12th CENTURIES IV. CONCLUSION |
I. INTRODUCTION
In today’s world, we find many female outstanding
leaders in various domains; politics, economy and culture in national and
international scale. Their influence and ability have considerably increased.
Moreover it is said that the power elite women will appear more and they become
decision makers in the international affairs keeping pace with the fast globalization
in the course of the 21th century.[2]
On the other hand, how was it like to be women in the medieval
Byzantium? According to the Byzantine
ideology, women were thought to be weak in body and fragile in soul compared to
men. So they had to be devoted to education for children and to management of
household while men occupied major positions in the public domains, for example,
in the imperial Army or civil Administration as well as in the Church. However,
the byzantine literary sources show a class of women not always subject to
traditional role divisions, and taking male positions in public domains.[3]
The Byzantine power elite women
came usually from noble families enjoying the economic privilege, political
influence and social connections. Thus these women could have inherited the family
properties equally with male heirs and even managed the patrimony in the
absence of family’s male head. Moreover, their dowry was not subjected to their
husband’s properties. For this reason the aristocratic heiresses took usually the
paternal or maternal family names instead of her husband’s family name and also
even after marriage they could have wielded a considerable influence on making
their families’ promotion.[4]
Many studies of Byzantine women have
contributed to illustrate the elite women’s lives and careers as well as their
roles. However, how much had the roles of these women changed in the course of
the 7th and 12th centuries? It seems that the answer to this
question is not clear in the recent studies only based on the literary sources.[5] By the way, we have the other
historical sources very useful to identify the Byzantine women’s roles and its changes
during the same period. The Byzantine lead seals, which were used to authentificate
legal documents and letters, are nowadays considered to be very important research
material because they provide us with much information on the identification of
the Byzantines. A group of female signers’ name, title, kinship tie and symbolic
image are well attested on a number of dated seals.[6] Thus in the
light of these elements stamped on the seals, this paper will highlight the Byzantine
power elite women’s roles and identities changing in the medieval Byzantine
history.
II.
WOMEN DURING THE 7th AND 10th CENTURIES
The
Byzantine literary and sigillographic sources identify a group of women holding
the imperial title and wielding the power in imperial court. First of all, the empress
was considered to be the most representative and influential woman in Byzantium.
The Byzantines called the empress ‘basilissa’
(in Greek) or ‘augusta’ (in Latin). The
title of empress was derived from the role of imperial wife playing in the
imperial court. They could have exercised the imperial authority as regent when
her husband or son died early. And also an official empress or legitimate princess
could have taken choice of a new Emperor through her marriage with a capable man
(usually a military general).[7] In the case of its being
unavailable, she could have exercised the imperial authority for herself
without a male ruler. In that case, the Byzantines called the female ruler ‘autokratorissa’.
There were only two empresses nominated to this position in Byzantine history. It
was the case with Empress Eirene (797-802), wife of the Emperor Leo IV, and with
Empress Theodora (1055-1056), sister of the Empress Zoe.[8]
When there was an official wife of emperor,
other imperial women could be invested in the dignity of ‘sebastos’. For example, Helena, first wife of Romanos III Argyros,
Maria Skelerina, mistress of Konstantinos IX Monomarchos and Maria of Alane,
second wife of Michael VII Doukas enjoyed the privilege attributed to the high position
‘sebastos’ in the court hierarchy.
Beside the imperial wives, there were other imperial women at imperial inner
circle, for example, an emperor’s mother-in-law was titled in the dignity of ‘patrikia zoste’ (patrikios with belt). This title attributed only to women having
close kinship with the emperor was superior to the male dignitary of ‘patrikios’ in the hierarchy. Both the literary
sources and seals show there were only a dozen of women honoured in this title in
the course of the 9th and 11th centuries.[9]
Accessing to the
imperial court and holding the court title was not only permitted to imperial female
members but also to the imperial dignitaries’ wives from different aristocratic
families. These women’s standings depended generally on their husband’s honorary
position or official function, that is, the noble women were called according
to their husband’s office title (function) or honorary title (dignity). For example,
a woman whose husband’s office would be ‘strategos’(military
commander of themata) was called ‘strategissa’ (wife of strategos) and a woman whose husband’s honorary title would
be ‘magistros’ was called ‘magistrissa’ (wife of magistros) or a woman
whose husband’s honorary title would be ‘proedros’,
could be called ‘proedrissa’(wife
of proedros) etc….[10]
< Image I. The lead Seal of the Empress
Eirene (reign: 797–802) >
|
Obverse) : Eirinῃ basil[issῃ] (empress Eirene) Image): Eirene’s effigy. ★ The Empress Eirene wears the imperial crown added by double pendant of
pearls (pendilia) on both sides. She holds a ball with the cross (globus
cruciger) in the right hand and the scepter in the left hand, symbolizing
the imperial authority. |
|
Reverse) : Ei[rinῃ basiliss]ῃ (Empress Eirene) Image) Eirene’s effigy. ★ The empress was the only woman
having right to engrave her own effigy on the seals or coins. However it is
rare that an empress’ portrait was engraved on both sides of the seal. The
presence of Erene’s effigy on both sides of seal reflects a powerful authority
she could have exercised on behalf of her son. |
Sources: Collection of Dumbarton Oaks Museum, no.58.106.504. diameter : 22 mm / weight : 5.00 g Literature: John Nesbitt, Catalogue
of Byzantine Seals at Dumbarton Oaks and in the Fogg Museum of Art, V.6:
Emperors, Patriarchs of Constantinople (Washington D.C.), no.36. 5; G. Zacos
and A.Veglery, Byzantine Leads Seals (Basel, 1972), vol. I, no.41. |
Besides the byzantine female ruler’ seals,
we can find also a group of court women’s seals used to authentificate
documents or letters in the period of the 7th and 10th century.
< List I: Women in the 7th and 10th
centuries> [11]
- Anna, wife of patrikios (patrikia)
(9th/10th c.)
- Euphrosyne, wife of hypatos
(hypatissa) (end of the 8th c.)
- Anastasia, koubikoulara
kai parakoimomène (?) (first half of the 9th c.)
- Maria, daughter of kaesaros
(thygratri tou kaesaros) (first half of the 9th c.)
- Maria, mother of augusta
Theophano (metri Theophanous augustes) (10th c.)
- Thekla, wife of protostrator
(protostratorina) (second half of the 8th c. or first half of the 9th
c.)
- Anonym, wife of strategos (strategissa)
of Aegean theme (first half of the 9th c.)
- Theodora, daughter of Konstantinos
porphyrogennetos (10th c.)
- Theoktiste, patrikia
zoste and mother of empress
(first half of the 9th c.)
First of all, it appears that the women’s seals are not very numerous compared to the
men’s seals of the same period. It seems because the women’s activities were generally
shrinking in the period when the Byzantines had to fight with all their
strength to defend the Empire against the Arab-Islam invasions and incursions. Nevertheless, the above list tell us
about one Theodora, an emperor’s daughter and another Maria, a ‘kaisar’s daughter, whose father could be
identified to be Alexios Mouselios, the loyal servant and son-in-law of the emperor
Theophilos (829-842).[12]
The same list also reveals two women (Maria and Theoktiste) who might be
identified to be mother of an empress. In short, on this evidence, we can identify
some female members belonging to the imperial families in the 9th
century.
Secondly, according to the women’s titles
on the above list, the roles as mother and wife were more emphasized than the
roles as daughter. It is likely that this women’s role as ruler refers to the roles
of Empresses Eirene (775-78/797-802) and Theodora (830-67). Because both of
them were nominated to the official position ‘basilissa’ when their husbands (Leon IV and Theophilos) were alive and
then they also held regency for their sons (Constantinos VI and Michael III) after
their husbands died early.
Thirdly, the above list shows that women’s seals
are intensively attested in the second half of the 8th century and
first half of the 9th century. It seems that this evidence refers also
to the reign of the same empresses Eirene and Theodora because the female
rulers tried to put an end to the Iconoclasm taken by their husbands (Leo IV
and Theophilos). The contemporary literary sources show that there were certain
aristocratic women who participated in the restoration of icons in the same
period. It is told that Euphrosyne, who was the Empress Eirene’s granddaughter
and later became the second wife of the Emperor Michael II, had appealed her strong
conviction about the restoration of icons in having communications in letters with
Theodoros, head of the Monastery of Stoudios in Constantinople. Thus in the
light of the career of Euphrosyne we can understand that the most of the women on
the above list could have been the most influential court women representing the
old senatorial families and having great impact on the restoration of Icons under
the reign of the same Empress Eirene and Theodora.[13]
Fourthly, the above
list mentions a woman called Thekla titled in ‘protostratorina’ (wife of protostrator) at the end of the 8th
or the beginning of the 9th century. The Chronicle of Theophanes Continuatus mentions a contemporary woman
called Thekla; she was a daughter of Bardas Turkos domestikos of the scholai (commander in chief of imperial Army) under
the reign of the Empress Eirene and killed in a revolt against the Emperor
Nikephoros I. Thekla, after marrying her father’s loyal officer Michael, later became
the first wife of the Emperor Michael II (820-829). On the other hand,
according to the other source written by Skylitzes
it is mentioned that this Michael was nominated to the office of ‘protostrator’ when Leo, Michael’s old friend
ascended to the imperial throne in
813 (Leo IV). In brief, Thekla’s high
position and career lead us to suppose that she would have been the first noble
woman who contributed to make her family to the promotion through her marriage to
the military commander in the 8th and 9th centuries.[14]
Finally, the title ‘koubikoularia’ and ‘parakoimomene’ attested on Anastasia’s seal lead us to suppose that
she might have been a wife of imperial servant holding the office of ‘koubikoularios’(imperial eunuch) and ‘parakoimomenos’(imperial bed chamber). Taking
into consideration that these offices were very often engaged by the imperial eunuchs,
this idea is not reasonable because a eunuch could not be allowed for a marriage
in Byzantium. Instead, we can suppose that Anastasisa would have been a female
servant who attended on around the Empress Theodora very influential at court
in the first half of the 9th century. Because it is told that there
was a separated court(gynaikonitis) reserved only to imperial
women in Palace and that Theodothe, wife of the Emperor Konstantinos VI, had
been responsible for the office ‘koubikoularia’
in the gynaikonitis before her marriage with the emperor.[15]
III. WOMEN DURING THE 11th AND 12th
CENTURIES
The Byzantine
aristocratic families much developed from the 9th century to the 10th
century were all concentrated in Constantinople in the 11th century.
It was because the powerful military clans against the imperial authority had
been all controlled by the Emperor Basil II (976-1025) putting an end to the grand
rebellions of Bardas Phokas and Bardas Skleros at the end of the 10th
century. As a result, the political forces supporting the Macedonian dynasty
were polarized into two factions from this time in Byzantium: the one was the families
of civil tradition in Constantinople and the other was the military clans originated
from Asia Minor.[16]
As the Emperor Konstantinos VIII (1025-28)
like his brother Basil II died without a male heir (porphyrogennetos) in this circumstance, the imperial succession
must have been maintained by two imperial legitimate heiresses (porphyrogenneta). That is, the imperial
throne was first of all preserved by the Empress Zoe who was married successively
to imperial dignitaries and adopted one stepson. After her death, the imperial succession
have been achieved by her sister Theodora (1055-56) Hascending in her turn for
herself to the imperial throne as an ‘autokratorissa’.
From this time on, we can find a number of seals of court women, who could be
identified to be daughters from the aristocratic families in Constantinople[17].
< Image II: The Chrysobull of the Empress
Theodora (reign: 1055–1056) >
|
Obverse) Inscription : Ἰ(ησοῦ)ς Χ(ριστό)ς. [Ἐμ]μανουήλ./ Jesus Christ Emmanuel Effigy of Jesus Christ: Jesus
Christ holds the Bible in the left hand, blessing in the right hand. The aura
(nimbus) behind his head symbolize God’s authority while the Icon in itself signifies a divine protection and
warrantee on the imperil document.
|
|
Reverse) Inscription : Θεοδώρα αὐγο[ύστα]/ Empress Theodora Effigy of Theodora: Theodora wears
the imperial crown decorated with the cross and four flowers. Wearing also
the loros (consular uniform in ancient period), she holds the imperial
scepter in the right hand and a ball (globus) in the left hand. |
Sources : BZS no. 1961.20 (Dumbarton
Oaks Museum) Diameter: 27 mm/Weight:
15.21g/material : Gold Literature: G. Zacos and A.Veglery,
Byzantine Leads Seals, Vol.1, no.81-821. |
The
Chrysobull was the golden seal issued only by the emperor or empress and used to
authentificate the most solemn act or document. So the appearance of the
Empress Theodora’s golden seal illustrates the extent to which the byzantine female
ruler could exercise the imperial authority as an autokratorissa in the Empire.
< List II: Women in the 11th
century>
- Dalassena Anna, wife of kouropalates
and domestikos (kouropalatissa kai domestikissa) (1057-1067) [18]
- Dalassena Anna (11th
-12th c)[19]
- Dalassena Eudokia, wife of proedros
(proedrissa) (Second half of the 11th c.)[20]
- Dalassena Euphemios, wife of
proedros, stratelates and douk (proedissa,
stratelatissa kai doukaina)
(Second half of the 11th
c.)[21]
- Dalassena Irene (11th-12th
c.)[22]
- Dalassena Maria, wife of protoproedros
(protoproedrissa), (Second half of the 11th c.)[23]
- Doukaina Anna, wife of magistros
(magistrissa), (Second half of the 11th c.) [24]
- Doukaina Anna, wife of nobelissimos
(nobelissime), (Second half of 11th c.)[25]
- Komnenos Eudokia, wife of magistros
(magistrissa), (Second half of 11th c.)[26]
- Goumelina Maria, wife of strategos
(strategissa), (Middle of 11th c.)[27]
- Karantenos Anna (first half
of 11th c.)[28]
- Kourkouase Helena, wife of
vestes (vestena), (Second half of 11th c.)[29]
- Makrembolitissa Maria, wife
of kouropalates (kouropalatissa), (End of the 11th c.) [30]
- Melissene Maria, patrikia
zoste (Third quarter of 11th c.)[31]
- Mousaraphene Anna, wife of katepanos
(katepanissa), (11th c.)[32]
- Mouseline Maria (the 11th/12th
c.)[33]
- Mouseline Theodora, wife of
mistographos (mistographissa), (End of the 11th c.)[34]
- Mousalonissa Theophano, wife
of archontes (archontissa), (First half of the 11th
c.)
- Nestongissa Maria, wife of patrikios
(patrikia), (First half of the 11th c.) [35]
- Radene Irene, patrikia
zoste (Second half of the 11th c.)[36]
- Radene
Zoe, wife of protoproedros (Second half of the 11th c.)[37]
- Skleraina Eudokia, wife of proedros
(Second half of the 11th c.)[38]
- Synadene Helena (Second half
of the 11th c.)[39]
- Synadene Maria (Second
half of the 11th c.)[40]
- Synadene Zoe (Second half of
the 11th c.)[41]
- Taronitissa Eudokia (Second
half of the 11th c.)[42]
- Tornikaina Helena, patrikia zoste
and wife of kouropalates (End of the 11th c.)[43]
- Tripolitana Helena (First
half of the 11th c.)[44]
- Parsakountene Anna, wife of patrikios
(patrikia)(First half of the 11th c.)[45]
- Pegonitissa Irene, wife of magistros,
vestarches and doux (Second half of the 11th c.)[46]
- Pekoulina Konstantina, wife
of protospatharios and tototeretes (protospatharissa kai
topoteretissa), (First half of
the 11th c.)[47]
- Philokalina Eudokia, wife of
proedros (End of the 11th c.) [48]
- Tzintziloukina Pulcheria (End
of the 11th c.)[49]
- Hexachionitissa Helena (First
half of the 11th c.)[50]
On the evidence of the above seals, we
can draw some points about the identities and roles of the women in the 11th
century.
First of all, we find that the 11th century’s women are
adding the family names to their given names while the women’s seals appear to
be more numerous than the previous period. Taking into consideration that the
addition of patronyme to a given name refers to one’s birth or family origin, it
clarifies that the contemporary women’s status was getting better and their
social position also was more improving in upper classes. Moreover it is well
known that the marriage alliance was more frequently arranged between the noble
families in this time in Constantinople. The literary sources confirm the
importance of the princess Zoe porphyrogenneta’s
marriage to Romanos III Argyros and other two men in the imperial succession. On
the other hand, we can also see the court women taking the paternal or maternal
family name instead of their husband’s family name. The reason why the noble
women emphasized the membership to their family of birth above the marriage
bond to their husband in the 11th century had good relation with the Byzantine aristocratic family’s inheritant system
in the 11th century.[51]
Secondly, we can see the tradition of following
husband’s title has been maintained in the 11th century. Moreover it
shows that the noble women’s position was more based on their husband’s
honorary title (dignity: axia dia brabeiou)
than the office title (axia dia logou).
It seems that it was because the honorary titles (dignity) made sure more stable
position and fixed cash income (roga) for a given
aristocratic families. However it is attested that some noble women follow her
husband’s office title. In this case, it was concerned about when their husband
was taking a high military office title. For example, we can see on the above
list women holding the title, ‘doukaina’ (wife of military commander in chief of Tagmatic
Army), ‘strategissa’ (wife of commander-in-chief of Thematic Army), ‘topoteretissa’
(wife of senior officer of Tagmatic Army), and ‘manglabitissa’ (wife of Imperial
Bodyguard). On the other hand, it is rare for noble women to follow their
husband’s civil office title. It explains also that the military functions had
been exercised more on the hereditary basis than the civil functions in the Byzantine
bureaucracy in the course of the 11th century.[52]
Thirdly, the women on the above list
could be identified to be female offspring of the grand aristocratic families
who participated in the competition for the imperial power, especially in creating
a new ruling family when the Macedonian dynasty’s dominant authority have been
declined in the middle of the 11th century. The literary sources
mention the family Dalassenos, Doukas and Synadenos who have represented the
most powerful factions in Byzantine political history in the 11th
century. Thus we can understand why many women of the same family names appear
in the same period. Especially the frequent appearance of the women’s seals of
the family Dalassenos could be understood in the life and career of Anna
Dalassene (1030-1101/2), sister-in-law of the Emperor of Issakios I Komnenos
and mother of the Emperor Alexis I Komnenos (1081-1118).
The life and career of Anna Dalassene are
well known thanks to the literary sources written by her granddaughter Anna Komnene
and grand son-in-law Nikephoros Bryennios.[53]
Anna Dalassene was born between the Dalassenos family’s mother and the Charon
family’s father in 1030’s. Very smart and pious in her young age, she married Ioannes
of the Komenos family in 1044 and had five sons (Manuel, Issakios, Alexios,
Adrianos and Nikephoros) and three daughters (Maria, Eudokia, and Theodora). Ioannes,
her husband, was brother of the Emperor Issakios I Komnenos and honored in title
kouropalates and promoted to the top military
position ‘mega domestikos’ (grand commander-in-chief
of imperial Army) when his brother Issakios I acceded to imperial throne in
1057. Two years later, injured in hunting and falling ill the Emperor Issakios
I had to retire under the pressure of adversary civil faction in Constantinople.
Then he proposed to his younger brother Ioannes the succession of imperial throne.
At that time, Anna also pushed her husband to accept his brother’s offer to
keep the imperial power in the Komenos family. But Ioannes Komnenos, not
ambitious, rejected her wife’s proposal. When Konstaninos of the Doukas family,
competing with the Komnenos for the imperial succession, gained finally the
imperial throne, Anna was so disappointed that she had strong hatred against
the Doukas family. From that time, to prevent the Doukas family from succeeding
to the imperial power in Palace she had a plan of making grand connections through
her three daughters’ marriage. Following her plan, the eldest daughter Maria
was married to Michael of the family Taronites, the second daughter Eudokia to
Nikephoros of the family Melissenos, the youngest daughter Theodora to Konstantinos
of the family Diogenes, all the offspring of the most powerful military
families at that time.[54]
Although Anna had tried to accelerate her ambitious plan, the position
of Komnenian family couldn’t get better because her husband Ioannes Komnenos died
unfortunately in 1067. Being widowed, she now must lead for herself her
husband’s family on behalf of her young sons. In spite of the new dominance of
the Doukans family in Palace, she still tried to be involved in complot in
supporting Romanos Diogenes for the imperial power. Finally as Romanos Diogenes
succeeded in taking the imperial throne against Konstaninos X Doukas, she had more
influence on the imperial court in favour of the Komnenian family. As a result the
new emperor Romanos Diogenes made promotion of Anna’s eldest son Manuel to the
top military commandership in the imperial Army.
After then, Manuel had participated in the
battle against the Turks of Seljuk in Bithynia in 1071 but injured in the
battle field and died of it. It was told that on hearing this news, Anna
Dalassene rushed to the battle to see her son’s dead body and she felt deeply
sad and painful because she lost even the eldest son in around five years after
her husband’s death. However, hoping to compensate for her son’s missing she
sent her third son Alexios to the frontier. Alexios, only 14 years old at that
time but obedient to her mother, joined immediately to the campaign of Manzikert.
But he had to be sent back following the advice that it would be better for him
to console his mother. This episode shows clearly how much Anna Dalassene and
her family were concerned with overcoming not only the imperial crisis but also
her family’s destiny at the end of the 11th
century.[55]
When Michael VII Doukas (1071-1078) succeeded
to the imperial throne at the end of the battle of Manzikert in 1071, Anna
Dalassene and her family’s position was still unstable. Then it is said that she
tried to contact with Romanos IV Diogenes preparing for a rebellion in Asia
Minor in order to regain the imperial throne against the Michael Doukas. But
she was exiled to the island of Prinkipo with her sons because the letters she
sent to Romanos IV was intercepted by the Emperor Michael VII. So she was pushed
into the leading conspirator.[56] At any
way, she and her family’s members could be back to Constantinople after the ex-Emperor
Romanos VI was executed by Michael VII. In the meantime, Alexios Komnenos attaining
his majority supported the Emperor Michael VII to defend his throne in a revolt
against the Doukas family in 1077. In compensation of his exploit he was
promoted to high position in the court and even took a chance to marry Eirene
Doukaina, granddaughter of kaisar John Doukas who held real power in the Doukas
family. Anna Dalassene having still hatred against the Doukas family didn’t agree
to his son’s marriage with Eirene Doukaina. Although, this marriage alliance
made the Komnenian family a turning point to the great success in the 12th
century.
When Nikephoros III Botaneiates (1078-1081)
succeeded to imperial throne after the revolt against the Emperor Michel VII
Doukas in 1078, Anna Dalassene was still sticking to her family strategy based
on the marriage in order to have good opportunities for the Komnenian family’s
ascension. While she tried to marry her granddaughter (dead eldest son Manuel’s
daughter) the grandson of the Emperor Nikephoros III, she moved at the same
time forward with the plan to succeed her own son to the imperial throne. Alexios
and Issakios agreed with her mother’s plan to abdicate the old Nikephoros III
and they left Constantinople in order to raise an army of rebellion in Asia
Minor. Meanwhile Anna took refuge in the Church of St. Sophia with the rest of
her family’s women and there she negotiated on the family’s security with the
Emperor Nikephoros III.[58]
When Alexios Komnenos succeeded to the imperial throne at the age of 24
at the end of the military rebellion in 1081, Anna Dalassene had the most
glorious period in her life. On his accession to the throne, the Emperor
Alexios I, who must have still plunged in the military expeditions to deter the
invasion of the Turkish army in Asia Minor, appointed her mother Anna to the ‘despoina’ and attributed all his
imperial power to her mother. According to the chrysobull issued by Alexsios at
that time, the Emperor declared that her mother’s making decisions will have
the same value as his. Anna Dalassene having full confidences and all powers to
reform the Empire could play the leading roles as regent for 15 years on behalf
of her son. From this time on we can find Anna’s official status changed to ‘mother of emperor’ (metri tou basileos). Thus it
was officially appeared on the public documents or seals (see the seal
below). [59]
Fifteen years later, when the external threat against the Empire was almost
gone and it was no longer necessary for Alexios to leave Constantinople for the
military campagnes, Anna Dalassene realized that her long presence at Court became
burden to his son and daughter-in-law. In the end, Anna was determined
willingly to resign from politics and quietly retired to the monastery of ‘Pantepoptes’ founded under her own patronage.
And five years later, the first November in 1101/2, she died at her age of 71.[60] Below
two seals of Anna Dalassene illustrate her dramatic life and long career representing
the role and identity of the Byzantine elite women devoted to their family and
Empire’s integration at the end of the 11th century.
<Image III-1: Seal of Anna
Dalassene >
|
Obverse) Inscription : Μήτηρ Θεοῦ (mother of God) Image) St. Maria’s effigy: Theotokos
(mother of God) stands in holding the young Jesus Christ in the right
hand. |
|
Reverse) Inscription : Θεοτόκε βοήθει τῇ σῇ δούλῃ
῎Αννῃ κουροπαλατίσσῃ καὶ δομεστίκίσσῃ τῇ Δαλασσηνῇ
“Mather of God, help your servant
Anna Dalassene,
wife of kouropalates and domestikos” . |
Date)1067-1081/ Source) Collection
of Fogg Museum, no.732./ Diameter) 31mm |
Maria, mother of
God, is considered to be the most popular female saint patron and many Western
and Byzantine Christian women preferred to cult her. From this time a different
type of Maria appeared more frequently on various objects of art and
architecture as well as on the seals. So the presence of Holy Maria on this
seal symbolizes the rising status of Byzantine aristocratic women at the same
period.[61] On the
other hand, the presence of Anna Dalassene’s title
and family name refers to her social position as well as the solidarity with
her own family.
<Image III-2: Seal of Anna
Dalassene>
|
Obverse) Inscription of 4 lines : Κύριε βοήθει ῎Αννῃ μοναχῇ τῇ Δαλασσηνῇ/ Lord (Jesus Christ), help Anna
Dalassene and (followed by the inscription on reverse) |
|
Reverse) Inscription : τῇ μητρὶ τοῦ βασιλέως/ (Mother of Emperor) |
Date) after 1081/ Source) Hermitage Museum (St. Petersburg), no.6197. |
On the above seal of Anna Dalassene we can observe that the cult on Jesus Christ was emphasized while the cult on Maria was
emphasized on her seals issued before 1081. Taking into consideration that Anna
founded the male monastery "Pan-epoptes" and dedicated it to Jesus
Christ, the evidence of the seal illustrates a changing pattern in Anna’s
social position and religious identity between the years of 1081-1087. It is
also interesting that her title "mother of emperor" was
emphasized on the above seal dated after 1081. This evidence confirms also her
role and identity changed around the year of 1081.
On the other hand, the above
list II mention two women from the family of Makrembolitissa and Pegonitissa who
could be identified being relatives of the Doukas family by marriage. Because the
contemporary literary source tells us of the marriage of the Emperor
Konstantinos X Doukas to Eudokia Makrembolitissa in the second half of the 11th
century and that Eudokia’s family members participated in the complot with the
Doukas family against the emperor Michael IV. In case of the Pegonitissa, It is
told that Eirene was married to John Doukas, brother of the Emperor
Konstantinos X Doukas. The title marked on her seal, ‘magistrios, and vestarchos kai doukaina’ confirms her husband’s high
court position before 1059.[62]
By the way, the presence of the family
name of Synadenos, Komnenos, Maniakes, Melissenos, and Tornikios demonstrates the
identities and activities of noble women from the powerful clans in Asia Minor
or Balkans. For example, Maria Bryennios could be identified to a woman who
supported her own family Bryennios when Nikephoros Bryennios raised a revolt
against the Emperor Michael VII in 1077-78. Thus we can now identify the role
of aristocratic women who participated in the competition for imperial throne
in the course of the 11th century.[63]
The Brachamios, Radenos, Moseles,
Bourtzes were also well known for the military families who had a significant
influence in the 11th century. Especially, it is told that the
Radenos had offered a few high functionaries from the 10th century
on and that a number of family members served the Emperor Romam III Argyros as his
faithful servants in the 11th century. It is known that two persons from the
Radenos held the office of eparchos (governor
of Constantinople) in the 11th century. The title ‘patrikia zoste’ held by Eirene Radenos
confirms that her family was of the civil faction in Constantinople in the same
period. On the other hand, the Philokales were the family whose member accomplished
public services of the high military and civil offices under the reign of the
Basil II. The identity of the Chrysotzepoulinos, Pekoulinos, Metalinos and
Tripolitanos are not found in the literary sources but we can only suppose that
they would have been local families who had settled in the Bulgaria in the 11th
century.[64]
It is known that the Byzantine aristocratic
society had been changed under the reign of the Komnenos Dynasty of the 12th
century. It was above all because the Emperor Alexios Komnenos had reformed the
court imperial elite on the base of the faction who supported his imperial
succession. In this course, he promoted all his family members to the top ranks
in the court hierarchy in order to concentrate and integrate all powers into
the Komnenos dynasty. It is also known that this measure was taken and achieved
under his mother’s Anna Dalassene regency (1081-1095) at the end of 11th
century. So the presence of the following seals of 12th century illustrates
the influence of Anna Dalassene at Court on the contemporary aristocratic
society in Byzantium.
< List III: wife of sebastos in the 12 century>[65]
- Dalassene Irene, wife of sebastos.
- Dalassene Theodora, wife of sebastos.
- Dalassene Xene, wife of sebastos.
- Bryennissa Anna, wife of sebastos.
- Kamytzina Anna, wife of sebastos.
- Kantakouzinad, wife of sebastos.
- Kontostephanina Eudocia, wife of mega drongarios
- Kontostephanina Theodora, wife of sebastos and mega domestikos
- Radene Irene, wife of sebastos.
- Synadene Irene, wife of sebastos.
- Synenade Eudokia, wife of sebastos
and nun.
It is significant that the wife of ‘sebastos’ was more frequently attested from the 12th
century. Because it confirms that this honorary title sebastos, originally the dignity honouring one or two imperial
family members, came to be attributed to several imperial men having a close
kinship tie with the Komenian emperors (emperor’s brother, cousin, nephew,
brother-in-law and son-in-law) in the same period. Thus, we can also identify on
the above list the aristocratic women who arranged a marriage with the Komnenian
family members. First of all, the presence of three Dalassenos’ women confirms the
same family’s continuing power and influence at the imperial court in the 12th
century. On the other hand, we can also identify several different families,
for example, the family Bryennios, Kamytzina, Kontostepanos, Radenos and Synadenos,
who had supported the Komnenian family from the second half of the 11th
century and were after all promoted to the top rank of the aristocratic class through
the marriage alliance with the imperial family in the 12th century.
<List IV: Women of the
Komnenian family in the 12th century >[66]
- Maria Komnene, wife of sebastos,
sister of emperor (autadelphe tou basileos)
- Maria Komnene, granddaughter of sebastokrator
(engone tou aoidimou sebastokratoros)
- Anna Komnene, daughter of kaisar (thygatros kaisarisses)
- Anna Komnene, daughter of Andronikos sebastokrator (paid’Andronikou)
On the above list IV, we can observe some Komnenian family’s ladies
emphasizing their kinship tie with the imperial family’s male members; granddaughter
and grandfather, a daughter and father, a sister and brother).
<List V: Women of the Komnenos family in the 12th century >[67]
- Andronikos Komnenos, emperor's nephew (anepsis),
son (uios) of Eudokia born in
purple salon (ex Eudokias porphyrophyous ekphyeis rizes klados) and
Theodoros Batatzes.
- Alexios, son of Theodora of the Komnenian family (paidos Komnenes
eutuchous Theodoras).
- Michael Strypnos, mega drongarios and husband of Empress
Theodora (augustadelphes syzygou Theodoras)
- Alexios Komnenos-Palaelogos, despotes,
Emperor's son-in-law (gambros), husband of Emperor's first daughter (protopaida
Basilissan Eirenen) .
- Theodoros Komnenos-Laskaris,
despotes, husband of Emperor's
daughter Anna (anaktopaidos syzygon Annes).
On the above list V, we can find
the imperial family’s male members emphasizing their kinship tie with the
imperial family’s female member (son of Eudokia born in purple salon, son of
Theodora of the Komenos family, husband of Empress Theodora, husband of Emperor’s
first daughter). In the light of the evidence on the
list IV and V we can understand the imperial women’s roles and positions
significantly increased in the course of 12th century.
< List VI: Women of the Komnenina family in the 12th
century> [68]
- Eudocia Komnene, porphyrophyne (see the below image 4)
- Maria Komnene, porphyrogenneta (see the below image 5)
- Maria Komnene, porhyrogenneta, daughter of the Emperor
Alexios Komnenos
On the above list VI, we can see the
princesses of the Komnenos family adding the epithet ‘porphyrogenneta’ (born in purple salon) in their title which means the
legitimate birth of the imperial family. It is well known that this epithet ‘porphyrogennetos’ was originated to make
sure the imperial succession under the reign of the emperor Konstantinos V in
the 8th century. One century
later, when the emperor Leo VI obtained his son Konstantinos at the end of his
forth marriage with Zoe Karbonopsina, he emphasized much more this epithet ‘porphyrogennetos’ for his only male heir
Konstantinos. After that, this term had an extended meaning of the imperial
successor’s legitimate birth. And One century later in the absence of the
imperial male heir as the imperial princesses Zoe and Theodora even succeeded
collectively to imperial throne in 1042, the adding of epithet ‘porphyrogenneta’ gained the same importance
in the imperial succession. Thus, the presence of this epithet on the seal of Komnenian princesses
confirms the Komenian family daughters’ position and role climaxed in the
course of the 12th century. [69]
<Image IV: Seal of Eudokia Komnene >
|
Obverse) Inscription : Μήτηρ Θεοῦ Effigy: Mother of God in standing position. Description
: She is praying in holding Jesus
Christ |
|
Reverse) Inscription: Κόρη παναμώμητε, σὴν λατριν σκεποις πορφυροφυῇ Κομνῃνῂν Εὐδοκίαν/Eudokia Komnene born in purple salon. |
Date) 12th century; Source:
G. Zacos–A.Veglery, Byzantine Lead Seals I (Basel, 1972), no. 2729. |
The above seal’s holder
could be identified to be Eudokia Komnene, the youngest daughter of the Emperor
Ioannes II Komnenos (1118-1143) and the wife of Theodore Batatzes. Her husband
Theodore was Pansebastohypertatos, one of the highest dignitaries of the
Empire in 12thcentury. It is interesting to note that the imperial
family name ‘Komnene’ and the epithet ‘porphyrogenneta’
were marked at the same time on the seal.
<Image V: the Seal of Maria
Komnene>
|
Obverse)
Inscription : Μήτηρ Θεοῦ Image) St.
Maris’s effigy : Mother of God seated in throne and holding the young Jesus Christ on the knee |
|
Reverse) Inscription: Μαρία πορφυρογέννητος ἡ Κομνηνή :
Maria Komnene Porphyrogennetos. |
Date: the second half of the 12 century. Source: G. Zacos–A.Veglery, Byzantine Lead Seals I
(Basel, 1972), no.2728. |
The holder of this seal
is indentified to be the oldest daughter of the Emperor Manuel I Komnenos (1143-80).
She made an engagement to Alexios, son of Hungarian king Bela. But her betrothal
was broken off when Alexios II, son of the Emperor Manuel I was born in 1169.
After then, she was married to the prince Renier of Monferra in 1180. So this
seal shows the official position that Maria held as imperial heiress after her
marriage with Renier of Monferra.
< List VII: wife of couropalates >
[70]
- Akropolitissa Maria, wife of
kouropalates (kuropalatissa)
- Argyropoulina Maria, wife of
kouropalates
- Doxiane Maria, wife of
kouropalates
- Karantene Maria, wife of kouropalates
- Kastamonitissa Maria, wife
of kouropalates
- Radene Eudokia, wife of
kouropalates
- Romaia Anna, wife of
protokouropalates.
<List VIII: Women without
husband’s title>[71]
- Alopina Irene
- Antiochissa Irene
- Antiochissa Petraliphaina
Theodora (1200)
- Batatzina Maria
- Iasitene Irene
- Kantakouzene
- Skleraina Theodora
- Synadene Eudokia
The above list VII and VIII show a
group of the noble women placed at the middle or low ranks of the aristocracy
in the 12th century. Because the title kouropalates which had been attributed to one or two dignitaries
having close kinship with emperor until the end of the 11th century,
was declined to the modest dignity attributed to the middle and low
functionaries in the course of 12th century. As for the women
without their husband’s title, they could be also identified to be daughters of
families not illustrious in the 12th century.[72]
Although the presence of these women’s family names on the seals such as the
Akropolitissa, Alopina, Antiokissa, Argyropoulos, Romaia refers to the
identities of the families who had seen the most glorious
period in the reign of the Macedonian dynasty in the 10th and 11th
century but lost the wealth and powers in failing to make marriage alliance
with the Komnenian dynasty in the course of the 12th century.
IV. CONCLUSION
Now we can sum up the general points from
what we have analysed;
Firstly, the presence of a different rank of titles
on the seals demonstrates some sort of power and influence that the Byzantine
elite women had wielded not only for their family’s promotion but also for the
Empire’s integration. Literary and sigillographic sources describe that these
female leaders’ influences were very significant in the historical events. The presence
of empress’ official title ‘basilissa’ on the seal, which used to be attributed
to the imperial wives and mothers or later even to daughters, represents
clearly the elite women’s roles and identities in Byzantium. Moreover the empress’
effigy on the seals reveals also the elite women’s most public self-images. If an
emperor-husband died leaving a young heir, then it was expected that the
child’s mother would act as regent and if an emperor-husband was unable to
carry out his duties then his empress-wife stepped in the public life.
Secondly, the different type of names and titles
on the seals reflects changing patterns of the elite women’s roles in the
course of 7th and 12th centuries. Between the 7th
and the 10th centuries, the remaining seals for empresses and
aristocratic women are much less. It might be because the
Empire was the most concerned with its military survival against the Arabs. One
of the dominant images of empresses from this period was as wife and mother. Nonetheless two
empresses were responsible for the restoration of icons during the period of
Iconoclasm. Between these two, Eirene was the sole ruling Empress. The other iconophile
Empress Theodora is portrayed in written and sigillographic sources as anxious
for the salvation of her iconoclast husband and regent for her son. It is significant
that the seals of the noble women come to the fore at the same period.
Thirdly,
the addition of the family name to given name on the seals illustrates the
elite women’s roles and identities changing from the 11th century.
We could understand that from the empress Zoe through to the women of the
Komnenian dynasty, aristocratic ladies did on occasion wield imperial power for
themselves and certainly provided a force to be reckoned with. Especially Anna
Dalassene’s dramatic life and long career confirms that, from the 11th
century, the daughters of
noble families played more significant role in favor of their families as bearers of lineage and property while
the aristocracy extended its power within the Byzantium.
Finally,
the different kinship-tie on the seals implies that the women had access to
political power through the relationship with their family male members. This
might be as mother (the empress Eirene and Theodora[73]), wife
(the empress Theodora[74] and
Anna Dalassene) and daughter (the empresses Zoe and Theodora[75]). Thus,
in the course of the 12th century, the increasing numbers of the
kinship ties on the seals demonstrate that the roles and idendtities of aristocratic
women were the most formulated in public domains when their social position
reached the climax.
[1] This work was supported by the National Research Foundation of Korea Grant funded by the Korean Government
(NRF 2012S1A5B5A07035627)
[2]
On the roles of contemporary power elite women in
Korea, see Jeong duk-jin and Kim ki-hun. Korean
Power Elite
(Hwangkum
Nachimban, 2006), pp.269-306.
[3] On the gender identity of Byzantine
women, James Liz, “Men, Women, Eunuchs: Gender, Sex,
and Power”, John Haldon (ed), Social History of Byzantium (Blackwell,
2009), pp.36-42.
[4] On the naming and
inheritance of the Byzantine aristocratic women, J.-C.Cheynet,
“L’anthroponymie aristocratiqiue à Byzance”, Document de l’histoire sociale des mondes
méditerranéens médiévaux, M.Bourin et J.-M.Martin als. (eds) (Rome, 1996), pp.53-80;
Idem,“Aristocratie et héritage
(XIe-XIIIe s.)”, La transmission du patrimoine, G.Dagron et J.Beaucamp
(eds.), (Paris 1998), pp.53-80.
[5] On the recent studies of the
Byzantine power elite women, see Lynda Garland, Byzantine
empresses: Women and Power in Byzantium AD 527-1204 (London-New York 1999),
pp.1-228; Judith Herrin, Women in Purple. Rulers of Medieval Byzantium (London,
2001), pp.3-338; James Liz, Empresses and
Power in Early Byzantium (London, 2001).
[6]
On the Studies
of Byzantine Sigillography, see N. Oikonomides, Byzantine Lead Seals (Washinton D.C. 1985), pp.7-24 ;
Wonho HWANG,
“Byzantine Society Stamped on the Seals : Studies on Identities and
Communications”, Western
History Review(서양사론) vol.112 (03. 2012), pp.126-158.
[7] The imperial princesses were also called
“basilissa” in the 12th
century. As the Komnenian dynasty arranged more frequently the marriage
allianace with foreign states, the imperial princesses’ position was much
increased. For exemple, Anna Komnene was described as ‘basilissa’ while her husband Nikephorus Bryennios was mentioned as ‘kaesar’ which was inferior to ‘basilissa’;
J. Darrouzes, Georges et Dèmètrios Tornikès, Lettres et Discours (Paris
1970), pp.223, 227,251,275; On the imperial family’s kinship formation by the
marriage in the 11th and 13th centuries, see A. Laiou, Marriage,
amour et parenté à Byzance aux XIe-XIIIe siècles (Paris 1992), p.59-66.
[8] On the empress title, see El.
Bensammar Malamut, “La titulature de l’impératrice et sa signification.
Recherche sur les sources byzantines de la fin du VIIIe siècle à la fin du XIIe
siècle”, Byzantion XLVI(1977),p.243-291.
[9] J.-C.
Cheynet, Patricienne à Ceinture: une femme de qualité, P. Henriet et A.M.
Legras; (eds) Au cloître et dans le monde: Femmes,
hommes et sociétés (IXe-XVe), (Paris 2000), p.179-187.
[10] There was a separate female office (Cubiculum) and court (Gynaikonitis) around the empress’
residence in the grand Palace. It was similar to imperial court and there were
eunuchs and female servants who served the empress. According to the texte <Taktika> written in 9th-10th
century, it is told that when a woman was invested in patrikia zoste, she had
to contribute two pound of solidus to court female servants and high
dignitaries’wives such as protovestiarissa, primikerissa,
koitonitissai and koubikoulareai etc…; N. Oikonomides, Les Listes de préseance à Byzance aux 9e-10e siècle
(Paris 1972), p.57.
[11] G. Zacos and A.Veglery, Byzantine Lead Seals (Basel 1972),no.1412,1718,1699,2673,3104,2675; Collection de l’Institut Français des Études Byzantines (IFEB) no.1217,2676; G. Zacos, Byznatine Leads Seals, vol.II (Basel,1972), no.1083.
[12] It is told that Alexios Mouselos was promoted to the rank of ‘kaisar’ after his marriage with the emperor Theophilos’s daughter Maria, see on the marriage of Alexios, Theophanes Continuatus, ed. I. Bekker (Bonn, 1838), III. p.18.
[13] On the career of the empress
Euphrosyne, see Theophanes Continuatus (Bonn 1838), vol. II 24, pp.78-79; III.1 (p.86); Theodorus Studita, Epistulae,
ed. G. Fatouros, CFHB (Berlin/New York, 1992), p.514; A. P. Kazhdan-A.M.Talbot ,“Women
and Iconoclasm”, Byzsntiniche
Zeitschrift, vol.84/84 (1992), p.391-408.
[14] The title of Thekla ‘protostratorina’ on her seal refers to her
husband Michael’s official position before his accession to the imperial throne
in 820; On the birth of Thekla, see Theophanes
Continuatus vol.II, ed. I. Bekker (Bonn 1838),
p.78; the career of the emperor Michael II and his seal, see Ioannes Scylitzes,
Synopsis Historiarum, ed.J.Thurn (Berlin 1973), p.13; G.Schlumberger, Sigillographie
de l'Empire byzantin (Paris 1884), p.358, no.2.
[15] On the birth and career of the
Empress Theodothe, see Theophanes Confessor, Chronographia, ed. C. de
Boor, 2 vols (NewYork 1980) p.484; C. Mango and R. Scott (ed and tr.), The
Chronicle of Theophanes Confessor (Oxford 1997), p.665.
[16] On the historical survey of the 11th century, see G. Ostrogorsky, Byzantiniche Geschichte 324-1453, 비잔티움 제국사 (한정숙-김경연 역), (까치 1999), pp.251-279; On the Byzantine Aristocracy and its evolution in the 11th and 12th centuries see A. Kazhdan-S. Ronchey, L’aristocrazia byzantina dal principio dell’XI
alla XII secolo (Palermo 1997), pp.133-152; J.-C.Cheynet, “L’aristocratie byzantine
(VIIIe-XIIIe s.)”, Journal des Savants,
2000, pp. 281-322.
[17] On the life and career of Zoe and Theodora, see Lynda Garland, Byzantine empresses:
Women and Power in Byzantium AD 527-1204, pp.136-157, pp.161-167.
[18] J.-C.Cheynet et J.-F.Vannier, Études prosopographiques (Byzantina Sorbonesia 5), (Paris 1986), p.97.
[19] Collection de Zacos (Bibliothèque National de France),no.204
[20] Vente Münz Zentrum, n.76 (10-12 November 1993), seal no.21.
[21] Ibid., p.93
[22] Collection de Zacos (Bibliothèque National de France), no.236
[23] J.-C. Cheynet et J.-F.Vannier, Études
prosopographiques, p.101; I. Jordanov, Corpus of Byzantine Seals from
Bulgaria, vol.2 (Sofia, 2006), no.155.
[24] Collection of Dumbarton Oaks Museum, no. 47. 2. 1152.
[25] Collection de Zacos (BNF), no. 204; J.-C. Cheynet et J.-F. Vannier, Études prosopographiques, p.139.
[26] G. Zacos and A.Veglery, Byzantine Lead Seals, no.2700.
[27] W.Seibt-M.Zarnitz, Das byzantinische Bleisiegel als Kunswerk. no.1.2.4.
[28] I. Jordanov, Corpus of Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria, vol.II, no.267-272.
[29] Ibid., no. 241.
[30] Ch.Stavrakos, Die byzantiniche Bleisiegel mit Familiennamen aus der Sammlung des Numismatischen Museums Athens (Wiesbaden, 2000), no.153.
[31] W.Seibt, Die byzantinischen Bleisiegel in Österreich I, no.128
[32] A.K.Wassiliou-W. Seibt, Die byzantinischen Bleisiegel in Österreich II, no.270.
[33] Collection de Zacos (BNF), no.100.
[34] V.Laurent, Le Corpus des sceaux de l’empire byzantine, tome II : L’Administration centrale (Paris,1981),no.128.
[35] G.Schlumberger, Sigillographie de l’Empire byzantine (Paris, 1884), pp.432-433.
[36] V.Bulgurlu-A.Ilasli,“Seals from the Museum of Afyon”, Studies in Byzantine Sigillography,vol.8(2004), no.26.
[37] G.Schlumberger, Sigillographie, p.573, n.4.
[38] Collection of Dumbarton Oaks Museum, no.58.106.5739.
[39] Ch.Stravrakos,“Sigillographische Beiträge zur
Familie der Synadenoi”, Studies in Byzantine Sigillography, vol.7
(2002), p. 178.
[40] Collection de Zacos (BNF), (Toul.75).
[41] Ch.Stravrakos,“Sigillographische Beiträge zur Familie der Synadenoi”, p.178
[42] V.Laurent,“Sceaux byzantines inedits”, Byzantinische Zeitshrift, vol.33(1933),no.20.
[43] J.-Cl.Cheynet,“Patricienne à Ceinture : une femme de qualité“,p.184
[44] I. Jordanov, Corpus of Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria, vol.2 no.729.
[45] W.Seibt, Die byzantinischen Bleisiegel in Österreich I, no.127
[46] Collection de Zacos (BNF), no.460.
[47] J.-C.Cheynet et als., Les sceaux byzantines de la collection Henry Seyrig, no.336.
[48] W.Seibt, Die byzantinischen Bleisiegel in
Österreich I, n.149.
[49] Collection of Dumbarton Oaks Museum, no.58, 106,777.
[50] Collection de l’Institut Français des Études Byzantines (IFEB),no.124.
[51] According to the byzantine
aristocratic family’s inheritant system in the 11th century, a daughter
herited an equal part of properties with son and also the woman’s dowry was
never assimilated to her husband’s family properties. If a woman would be
divorced, the woman’s property could be intact to be returned to her own family
and when she dies it could be attributed to her sons or transmitted to new
husband’s family on her remarriage ; J.-C.Cheynet, “L’anthroponymie
aristocratique à Byzance”, pp.53-80; Idem, “Aristocratie et héritage
(XIe-XIIIes)”, pp.53-80; P.Stephenson, “A Development in Nomenclature on the
Seals of the Byzantine Provincial Aristocracy in th Late Tenth Century”, Revue
des Études Byzantines, vol.52 (1994), pp.184-211.
[52]
On the Byzantine honorary and office
titles, see Nicolas Oikonomides, Les
listes de préséance byzantine des IXe et Xe
siècles
(Paris 1972), pp. 281-347.
[53] Anne Comnène, Alexiade, I-III, ed. B. Leib (Paris, 1937-45),[Anna Komnene]; Nicephori
Bryennii historiarum libri quattuor. Introduction, texte, traduction et
notes by P. Gautier (CFHB, series Bruxellensis IX), Bruxelles 1975. [Bryennios]
[54]
Nicephoros Bryennios, Nicephori Bryennii
historiarum libri quattuor, p. 85-87.
[55]
Nicephoros Bryennios, NIcephori Bryennii
historiarum libri quattuor, p.103.
[56]
Nicephoros Bryennios, Nicephori Bryennii
historiarum libri quattuor, p.131.
[57]
Nicephoros Bryennios, Nicephori Bryennii historiarum libri quattuor,
p.143.6-9.
[58]
Anna Komnene, p.65.13-15 ; Nicephoros Bryennios, Nicephori
Bryennii historiarum libri quattuor,
p.221.22-24. It is told that she declared not to remove
from St. Sophia if the Emperor Nikephoros wouldn’t take pledge on the cross for
her family’s security. After that, the Emperor accepted Anna’s claim but her and her family members should have taken
efugee in the monastery of Petrion in
Constnatinople until the rebellion was over in 1081.
[59] Anna Komnene, p.101.37-39;
p.101.44-103.95.
[60]
Anna Komnene, p.100.10-35; Zonaras, p.18.24.10; the
monastery of ‘panepoptes’ was a male
establishement dedicated to Jesus Christ
and served by male monks. The fact that Anna Komnene retired at this male
monastery reflects her powerful influence in Constantinople. On history
of the monastery ‘panepoptes’ in
Constantinople, see Janin, La géographie ecclésiastique de l’empire
byzantin vol. 3: les églises et les monastères (Paris 1969),
p.277 et p.397.
[61] It is important to
note that the Byzantine cult and image of Saint Maria had an impact on Western
medieval society in the same period. We think that the Byzantine imperial
princesses married to Western royal families could have played a considerable
role in the religious acculturation of two different Christian Worlds. For exemple,
Theophano, niece of the Byzantine Emperor Ioannes I Tzimiskes was married to Otto
II, the Emperor of Holy Roman Empire in 972. At this time Theophano took many
relics of Orthodoxe saints including St. Maria and the luxurious goods to
german contries. After her marriage, being the Empress of the Holy roman
empire, she made an effort to keep and diffuse the faith of Byzantine Orthodox
in founding many churches and monasteries in Achen, Frankfurt, Köln and
Neimehen etc and also she made a devotion to educate her son Otto
III around Byzantine culture at imperial court; on the roles of Byzantine
princesses in foreign countries, see Judith Herrin, Byzantium : The surprising Life of A
Medeaval Empire, 이순호(역), 『비잔티움 : 어느 중세의 경이로운 이야기』 (글항아리, 2007), pp.415-416; On the medieval women’s increasing
position and the appearance of the Saint Maria’s images, see Yong-ku Cha, Discovering the Medieval Women : Eve’s daughter becoming Saint Mother, 차용구, 『중세 여성의 발견 : 이브의 딸 성녀가 되다』 (한길사 2011), pp.127-167.
[62] A woman representing the Doukas
family was the Empress Eirene Doukaina, wife of the Emperor Alexsios I
Komnenos. Her role and career are not well known in the literary sources until
1090’s. It seems that it was because of Anna Dalassene’s powerful influence at
court in imperial Palace.
[63] According to the literary source,
it is said that aristocratic women were participating in rebellion in the late
of the 1080’s. For exemple, Anna kouropalatissa
and Batatzina, mother and female relative of the rebel Nikephoros Bryennios,
supported the rebellious troops at Raidestos, see Miguel Ataliates, Historia, Pérez
Martin(ed.et tr.) (Madrid 2002), p.177, p.179-180; Nicephoros Bryennios, Nicephori Bryennii historiarum libri
quattuor, p.225, p.281.
[64] On women of the Komnenian family in 12th century, B. Hill, Imperial
Women in Byzantium, 1025-1204: Power, Patronage and Ideology (London, 1999);
Lynda Garland, Byzantine empresses: Women and Power in Byzantium AD 527-1204,
pp.180-224.
[65] Collection of Dumbarton Oaks, no.85. 106.4133,
no.58 106 4916, no.58.106. 1814; Collection of Fogg Museum, no.1208, no.251;
Collection de Zacos (BNF) no.245, no.230-231 ; J.-C. Cheynet-J.-F. Vannier, Études
prosopgraphiques, p.109 ; I.Jordanov,“Pecati na vizantijski sevasti ot
teritorijata na Bulgarija”, Numismatika i sfragistika 5/2 (1998),no.34;
Ch.Stavrakos, Die byzantiniche Bleisiegel mit Familiennamen aus der Sammlung
des Numismatischen Museums Athens (Wiesbaden,2000),no.216; V.Laurent, Le
Corpus des sceaux de l’empire byzantine,vol.5/2,no.1468.I; I.Jordanov,Corpus
of Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria, vol.2, no.683; V. Laurent, Le Corpus
des sceaux byzantines,vol.II,no.897.
[66] G.Zacos and A.Veglery, Byzantines
Leads Seals, vol.1,no.2712,2720,2722,2733,2730,2726,2749,2752,2753,2728,
2729,2731.
[67] Ibid. no. 2730, 2726, 2749, 2752, 2753.
[68] Ibid. no, 2728, 2729, 2731.
[69]
On the ‘porphyrogennetos’, see Judith Herrin, Byzantium: The surprising Life of A Medeaval
Empire, 이순호 (역), 『비잔티움 어느 중세의 경이로운 이야기』(글항아리, 2007),pp.379-390.
[70]
Collection of Dumbarton Oaks Museum,
no.47.2.1019,no.56.106.1987,no.56.106,2873; S.Šandrovskaja-W.Seibt, Byzantinische
Bleisiegel der Staatlichen Ermitage mit Familiennamen.1.Teil, no.29, no.75;
W.Seibt-M.Zarnitz, Das byzantinische Bleisiegel als Kunstwerk.(Vienne
1997),no.3.2.1.
[71] Collection de Zacos(BNF),no.847; Collection of Dumbarton Oaks Museum,no.55.1.4553; Collection de I’Institut Français des Études Byzantines, no.676; Kunstmuseum de Vienne (MK 361); W.Seibt, Skleroi, n.31; S. Šandrovskaja-W. Seibt, Byzantinische Bleisiegel der Staatlichen Ermitage mit Familiennamen.1. n.18; Studies of Byzantin Sigillography, vol.5, p.132.
[72] On the reform of the imperial hierarchy under the emperor Alexsios I Komnenos, see N.Oikonomides, L’évolution
de l’organisation administrative de l’empire byzantine au XIe siècle
(1025-1118), Travaux et Mémoire, vol.6 (1976), pp.125-152.
[73] The mother of
the emperor Michael III.
[74] The wife of
Theophilos, same person as the mother of the emperor Michael III.
[75]
The daughter of the emperor Konstantinos VIII,
different person from the precedent reference